.jpg&w=1080&h=210&zc=1 "Centre for Social Sciences Lendület-HPOPs Research Group")
The obstinate resistance of Wallonia illustrates well, how the legal, political and social context of trade policy have completely changed in the last decades and it gives the Member States a warning that trade agreements no longer can be concluded behind closed doors.
Today, in the middle of May, with 29% or resondents still undecided, Remain and Leave are head to head in the referendum vote intention poll of polls showing 50-50%. Another poll suggested that 28% of voters will be swayed by “national” considerations, such as migration, while a mere 15% will decide on account of economic reasons.
Hungary legally challenged the EU for its Council Decision which introduced a quota system for the distribution and settlement of asylum seekers and migrants among the Member States.
On 16 June 2015 the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) issued its much awaited judgment in the Gauweiler case (Case C-62/14). The judgment was expected with great interest for at least two reasons: for the ECJ’s position on the validity of the ECB’s bond buying programme ‘OMT” and the interpretation of the Treaties in that regard, and secondly, for its potential implications for the relation between the ECJ and the German Constitutional Court (GCC) from which the reference originated in January 2014 (Order of 14 January 2014, BvR 2728/13).
A certain level of engagement with the EAEU seems unavoidable, but the parallel development of good and differentiated bilateral relations with individual EAEU member countries remains important. Together with the full implementation of the Association Agreements with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, this is a key priority for the EU in the years to come.
Changes in Hungarian public law and the adoption of the Tavares Report have stirred up the debate surrounding Article 7 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU). The present piece of writing analyses whether the “nuclear bomb” metaphor can be applied to Article 7, by resorting to legal economics, criminal law theory and game theory; and represents these findings by focusing on a possible typology of international organisations and on the Hungarian Fundamental Law and its fifth amendment.
Balazs Fekete - Veronika Czina (translation)
Article 7 TEU is no more than a theoretically attractive procedure, which under the current circumstances is not able to properly defend EU fundamental values (so the interest of the EU).
Veronika Czina - Adrienn Nyircsák
On 20 February the House of Lords of the United Kingdom, more precisely its EU Sub-Committee on External Affairs, issued a report which can be seen as a thorough evaluation of the Ukraine crisis and the recent developments of EU-Russia relations.
Key pieces of legislation adopted in the run up towards the close of the autumn session of the Hungarian Parliament – which has traditionally been the period for the adoption of the state budget for the forthcoming year – reinforce the impression that the reigning Hungarian government is actively pursuing a policy of restructuring certain segments of the national economy based on ideas of economic protectionism and exclusionarism.
After 1996 (2/94), the Court of Justice was again given the opportunity to make a legal assessment of the accession of the European Union to the European Convention on Human Rights. Although under Article 6(2) TEU the constitutional basis of the accession has fundamentally changed, the Court of Justice again decided against the legal permissibility of the accession.